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2016年3月 4日 (金)

Seoul’s Colonial Boomerang

2016/2/9付け‘The New York Times’の‘The Opinion Page’に ‘Seoul’s Colonial Boomerang’(ソウルの植民地ブーメラン)と題する寄稿がありました。寄稿者は ‘Se-Woong Koo,the editor in chief of Korea Exposé, an online magazine specializing in the Korean Peninsula.’( 英語オンライン・メディア「Korea Exposé」のク・セウン編集長)です。
一部 表現,内容に疑問な点もありますが,韓国の戦後の精神的病巣をかなり正確に指摘しています。

長文ですが,拙訳と共に全文 転載します。


SEOUL, South Korea — On Dec. 28, the foreign ministers of South Korea and Japan announced the “final, irreversible” resolution of the controversy over the sexual enslavement of Korean women by the Japanese military from the early 1930s until the end of World War II. They said neither government will raise the issue ever again.

韓国/ソウル — 12月28日に,韓国と日本の外相は,1930年代初期から第二次世界大戦の終わりまでの日本の軍隊による韓国の女性の性的奴隷問題をめぐる論争の「最終的,不可逆的」解決を発表した。

While foreign media organizations praised the deal and a minority of South Koreans accepted it, there was a strong backlash here across the political spectrum. The main opposition Minjoo Party condemned “President Park Geun-hye’s complacent historical consciousness” for calling on the public to accept the agreement. One survivor, speaking to the left-leaning outlet OhmyNews, was blunt, “We need to replace the president — that pro-Japanese collaborator’s daughter, Park Geun-hye.” Even some conservative papers normally supportive of Ms. Park grumbled that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s apology felt insincere. Protests continue at the Japanese Embassy.

外国のメディアはこの協定を称賛し,韓国人の少数派がそれを受け入れる一方,政治的領域を超えた強い反発があった。主な野党 「共に民主党」は,この合意を認めることを国民に求める 「朴大統領の自己満足的歴史認識」を非難した。

The reaction to the agreement from both the right and left shows how much the history of the colonial period continues to shape South Korea’s domestic politics. Politicians and ideologues of all stripes have long fanned anti-Japanese sentiment simply to further their own agendas. They don’t appear to care that this obsession with the past is holding their country back.

この同意に対する右翼,左翼 いずれの反応も,植民地期間の歴史が,どれほど韓国の国内政治形成に影響を与え続けているかを示している。

South Korea has become an economic powerhouse, but much of the postwar era has been dominated by poverty and dictatorial rule. External entities like North Korea, the United States and Japan are routinely blamed for the nation’s ills. But feelings toward Pyongyang and Washington are more complicated; the anti-Japanese sentiment, however, is shared by almost everyone and informs the national narrative: Korea’s glory was thwarted by Japan, a morally and culturally inferior country.

しかし,平壌とワシントンに対する感情は,かなり複雑である一方,反日感情は,ほぼ全国民によって共有され,道徳的,かつ 文化的に劣った国である日本によって 韓国の栄光が阻害されたという国の物語が伝えられてきている。

Talking to South Koreans about Japan today, you might think they are still fighting an occupying force. Starting in elementary school, children learn to dislike Japan. Many South Koreans of a certain age use pejorative language when they refer to the Japanese. Books like the best seller “Japan’s Got Nothing,” published in 1993, and “The Lie That Japan Is an Advanced Nation,” translated from Japanese in 2008, have pandered to the crowd. A 2015 survey showed that more than 72 percent of South Koreans had unfavorable impressions of Japan.

今日,韓国人が日本について語るとき,彼らがまだ占領軍と戦っているかのように感じるかも知れない。小学校から 子供たちは日本を嫌うことを学ぶ。
ベストセラーである,1993年に出版された ‘Japan’s Got Nothing’(日本はない)や,2008年に日本語から翻訳された‘The Lie That Japan Is an Advanced Nation’(日本が先進国であるという嘘)のような本が大衆に受け入れられている。

The anti-Japanese sentiment serves the left particularly well in discrediting the right. Many wartime collaborators morphed into pro-American, pro-business, anti-Communist figures in the post-independence era and became active in conservative politics. It’s easy to make the charge — perhaps fairly — that today’s conservatives and business elites are the biological and ideological offspring of collaborators.

反日感情は,特に,左派が 右派の評判を落す際によく利用される。
今日の保守党とビジネス・エリート集団が,家系的にも イデオロギー的にも 戦時協力者の子孫であることを告発することは,おそらく,ほとんど容易なことである。

In an era when the occupiers forced Koreans to adopt Japanese names, Ms. Park’s father, Gen. Park Chung-hee, who served in the Japanese Imperial Army, allegedly changed his name a second time to make it sound even more authentically Japanese. During the war, the father of Kim Moo-sung, the current leader of the governing Saenuri Party, was a collaborator who reportedly urged Koreans to make donations to finance Japan’s war machine.

占領国が 朝鮮人に日本名を強制した時代,朴大統領の父親で,帝国陸軍の軍人だった 正煕将軍は,より日本人名に聞こえるように,二度 名前を変えたと言われている。

Conservatives are equally guilty of exploiting the anti-Japanese sentiment. In the throes of dismal approval ratings, Ms. Park’s predecessor, Lee Myung-bak, unexpectedly brought up the issue of comfort women during a trip to Japan in 2011, and visited the islets of Dokdo, contested by South Korea and Japan, in 2012.

朴大統領の前任者・李 明博は,低い支持率に苦戦して,2011年の訪日中に 突然,慰安婦問題を言い出し,2012年には 韓国と日本の間で領土紛争がある独島を訪問した。

Despite the approval of the Dec. 28 accord, Ms. Park is hardly innocent of capitulating to anti-Japanese sentiment: Her government’s Justice Ministry is prosecuting a scholar on a criminal defamation charge for writing a book that challenges the mainstream view of the comfort women issue in South Korea. The book may be flawed, but the government’s signals are clear: No one should besmirch the nationalist cause, and Ms. Park is no pro-Japanese collaborator.

この本には,欠点があるかも知れないが,政府の意図 -誰も民族主義の目標を汚すべきではなく,朴大統領は親日的な協力者ではないことを示すことー は明白である。

This game of who-better-confronts-Japan contributes to the breakdown of our politics. While certain Japanese politicians provoke South Koreans by questioning established historical truths, Japan provides a convenient excuse for politicians to ignore more important matters.

このゲーム : 誰が,よりよく,日本に,取り組むか- は我々の政治観の分析に寄与する。
特定の日本の政治家達が確立している歴史的真実に,疑問を呈して韓国人を刺激するのと同時に,日本は 韓国の政治家が,より重要な事項を無視するのに都合のよい弁解を提供している。

The opposition sunk Ms. Park’s nominee for prime minister in 2014 for once remarking that the colonization of Korea was “God’s will,” and that Japan wasn’t obliged to compensate comfort women, based on a 1965 bilateral treaty. Even though the nominee later withdrew under pressure, the government had to counter the accusation that he was pro-Japanese, which it did by spending 15 months investigating the man’s grandfather simply to prove that he had fought for independence.

2014年に 朴大統領指名の首相候補は,韓国の植民地化が 「神の意志」であり,1965年の条約に基づき,日本は慰安婦への補償義務がなくなっていると述べたことで,野党に就任を反対された。

The last general election in 2012 was also muddled by a focus on certain candidates’ links to Japan. A ruling party candidate was grilled over the fact that, years ago, he had written that colonial-era Koreans “might have thought of the Japanese Empire as their fatherland.” An opposition candidate, in turn, had his fitness to run for office questioned because he was the grandson of a collaborator. This unfortunate trend is expected to worsen in the run up to the general election in April.

2012年の最後の総選挙は,日本に関係する特定の候補者に対する関心によっても混乱した。ある与党党候補は,数年前,「植民地時代の朝鮮人は 日本帝国を,彼らの祖国とみなしていたかもしれない」 と書いた事実に対して,厳しく追求された。対立候補者は,同様に,彼が戦時協力者の孫だったので,質問される事務所へ走らされた。

Anti-Japanese emotions also trump security. Despite the growing nuclear threat from North Korea, South Korea and Japan failed to sign an intelligence-sharing pact in 2012; the Lee administration backed out at the 11th hour over the usual tensions. The two countries pledged in December 2014 to share information about North Korea’s weapons, but only through the United States. Last July, South Korea ruled out any possibility of a formal military intelligence pact with Japan.

反日感情は,安全保障をも凌ぐ。北朝鮮の核の脅威の増大にもかかわらず,韓国と日本は,2012年に 「日韓軍事秘密情報保護協定」に調印することができなかった  ;李政権は,通常の緊張によって土壇場(調印一時間前)手を引いた。

Other domestic issues are getting sidelined. The administration and opposition bicker over what the government really meant by offering to “solve” Tokyo’s concerns over the memorial statue to comfort women in front of the Japanese embassy. South Korean media assailed Mr. Abe’s insistence in Parliament on Jan. 18 that there had been no forcible recruitment of comfort women during the colonial era. Two survivors flew to Tokyo on Jan. 25 to argue for nullifying the deal. Again, more recriminations ensued.

他の国内問題も空回りしている。日本大使館前の慰安婦像に対する東京の懸念を 「解決する」と申し出ることで 政府が真に意味したことについて,政権と野党は言い争っている。
2人の慰安婦生存者が,1月25日に,合意に異議を唱え 無効にするため,東京へ飛んだ。

The victims of the colonial regime should continue to press their claims, and Japan ought to try making better apologies. There is ample evidence that the system was a crime against humanity. But after decades under a political class that has pointed its fingers at Japan for myriad problems, anti-Japanese sentiment has taken on a life of its own. South Korea stands in a perpetual state of heightened emotions. Its leaders constantly cater to these feelings, seemingly at the expense of all else. All that hate boomerangs to hurt South Koreans.



日韓併合,慰安婦などに対する認識に疑問はありますが,戦後から現代まで続く 韓国の憎しみが自らを貶めている状況を的確に述べています。


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